96. European authorities must restrict their activities to those matters which truly require a common European policy in the common European interest. Thus, Maastricht stands for a democratic Europe which is closely attuned to the needs of her people, and respects and promotes the national identities and cultures of all member states and their regions. The results of the recent Edinburgh summit are encouraging. While preserving the treaty of Maastricht, the heads of state and government sent a very clear message: The process of ratification shall be completed early this year, the decision-making process will become more transparent, the principle of subsidiary will be strengthened and a custom-tailored solution for bringing Denmark on board has been found. Except Denmark and the United Kingdom, all member states have ratified. If the new Danish referendum in May turns out as positive as expected the British might follow suit by early or late summer. Germany has learned from her unification how important it is to vigorously seize upon a unique opportunity. This is also the case with regard to European union, which will eventually include membership of Austria, Sweden, Finland, and perhaps Norway and Swit- zerland. However, also the Poles, Hungarians, Czechs and Slovaks as well as other peoples in Central, East- ern and South-Eastern Europe are pinning their hopes in joining the European Community. It is our com- mon interest not to disappoint them and to strongly pursue the vision of a United Europe - the only hope for a lasting peace order in the whole of Europe. The European Community has already become a model for regional integration around the world. The North American Free Trade Association will lead to a North American Common Market. This might extend later to all of the Americas. Similar ideas are emerging in Asia. I don't share the concerns that these areas might develop into regional economic fortresses. Regional integration has proven to be a very useful and legitimate tool for securing long-term economic growth and political stability. It has not diminished but immensely strengthened global cooperation. Today, global cooperation within the United Nations, the BreKon Woods Institutions and the economic summits of the G-7 countries is stronger and more important than ever. And transatlantic partnership has become the backbone of global economic cooperation. We must strengthen this partnership to find the necessary compromises for conflicting economic interests and to define common policies for world economic growth. Let me finally mention three areas on which transatlantic partnership has to concentrate: First of all we have to face the potential threats to peace and security in the former Soviet Union and elsewhere. Enormous stocks of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons are still a dangerous military potential if political instability continues. We need to prevent the proliferation of such weapons and related technologies around the world. It is therefore one of the main priorities to help the reformist countries help themselves to become politically stable members of the world community. Second, we have to strengthen economic growth in the industrialized countries. This growth must be environmentally sustainable. Any fortress mentality would lead to self-defeating trade conflicts. Therefore the successful conclusion of the Uruguay round is one of the first priorities on the international agenda. I am encouraged by President Clinton's remarks on this topic and I am convinced that the European community will do work strongly for a speedy conclusion of these negotiations. I am convinced that the globalization of the leading economies will force governments to finally lead the Uruguay round to a successful conclusion and to extend the GATT process to other areas of liberalization. Third, we have to face the global challenges of population growth and environmental protection. We need to narrow the widening gap between developed and developing countries. Today, one quarter of the world population in the rich countries of North America, Asia and Europe earn almost three quarters of the world GNP. If the rich countries do not manage to stop the vicious circle of poverty, population growth and destruction of the environment around the globe, their own prosperity will be undercut by immigration, environmental damage and global conflicts. No country can bear the burden alone. We Germans have reached the limit of our capacity to help. Germany has provided over 50 billion dollars for the former Soviet Union and over 36 billion dollars for Eastern European countries so far. Now we are looking for our partners to take on a bigger share of our common global burden. At the end of the Cold War, democracy and market economy are strengthened around the world, strong international institutions for cooperation a re in place and additional resources which need no longer be wasted for unproductive military purposes, are available. So we should be able to take on those global challenges. President Clinton said in his inauguration speech: "There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America." In my opinion, this can also be said of other countries and of the world as a whole.